Pro Position
One of the key words in this resolution is "independence". What does it mean to be independent? In the modern world, most nations are considered independent and yet they very much are interdependent upon one another for survival. They closely connect with others for mutual defense, economic well-being and political influence. For this debate about Catalonian independence, there is no reason to think or argue that independence needs to happen today or that the transition to independence will be instantaneous. It can be a process which allows time for Catalonia to establish the necessary infrastructure and means required to be functional independently and interdependently within the eurozone.
I think another interesting position for Pro could be the argument that, yes, Spain should grant independence for Catalonia but it does not mean Catalonia must take it. Independence may be deemed a right granted to Catalonia which it may choose to exercise or not to exercise, much like the right to vote.
The Philosophical Justification
The philosophical justification for statehood, is rooted in the same ideals as that applied by the U.S. Founding Fathers. It is a human right of individuals to submit to an authority of their choosing and that authority is granted its powers by the consent of the governed. The social contract is established by the people from the bottom up, not from the top, down by the power of the state.
Jahanbegloo 2017:
One thing that many politicians in today’s world – including Rajoy, Erdogan and Putin – don’t understand is that you cannot force people to stay in a polity. Being part of a commonwealth is a contract and a choice. Even Spinoza knew this when he wrote: “No one transfers his natural right so absolutely that he has no further voice in affairs, he only hands it over to the majority of society, whereof he is a unit. Thus all men remain, as they were in a state of nature, equals.” Therefore, in a democratic polity, obedience to the laws of the state does not make individuals into slaves if the object of the action is the welfare of the whole people, the common interest.
Spinoza continues in this line of thought and helps us understand better the problem that Spain is facing today with the Catalan separatists. For him, the right of every subject extends as far as his power does under the rule of reason. In other words, “just as in the state of nature the man who is guided by reason is most powerful and most fully possessed of his own right.” Moreover, a state that relies on civic unity could not ask citizens to give up their cultural particularities in order to be full-fledged subjects of the law. In this set-up, democratic laws need to affirm the inviolable singularity of each citizen or each community within a polity according to rational principles. This is where the force of democratic argument cannot turn into the undemocratic argument of force.
The idea that Catalonia could separate itself to the benefit of all is not without precedent. Slovakia is already a model within the EU. The major issue for Catalonia, is that of rights; namely the people's right to protect their property, that is, their identity and culture and the state's duty to protect civil liberties.
Jahanbegloo 2017:
So if we are talking about democracy here, then we are talking about the optima republica, because everyone retains an equal share of the rights. And the most important of these rights is that of holding off something or someone who trespasses on my domain or asserts its authority over me. This notion of negative liberty has clearly become today a rallying cry for the great masses of Catalans. One such cry, which is translated by the question: “What am I able to do or to be, without the interference of the Other?” cannot be answered with a wrong response which is: “We are the source of control and interference that can determine what you have to do, and what you should be, this rather than that.”
In fact, as we will see in a near future, as long as the European countries continue to keep silent on the growing fractured situation in Catalonia, they will not be able to get beyond the purely legal aspects of this matter and respond to the peaceful disobedience of Catalans with dialogical and democratic measures. It has been 25 years since Slovakia separated from the Czech Republic and as is the case with most divorces, the separation was difficult. But today, the two architects of this divorce enjoy a relationship that should be the envy of many European countries. It’s a legacy of the most democratically orchestrated divorce.
The Economic Justification
An independent Catalonia would be well-positioned in the EU family of nations as a contributing and productive member. Despite the current, heavy financial toll levied by Madrid, Catalonia has maintained a GDP well above many of the EU member states and its productivity and employment numbers are well above those of the rest of Spain.
Sullivan 2017:
If an independent Catalonia existed within the EU, its population of 7.5 million people would make it the 15th largest country in the bloc. Based on 2016 figures, when its nominal GDP was valued at around 211 billion euros ($249.4 billion), it would account for 1.4 percent of the EU's collective GDP figure. That would rank it in 13th place in the EU, behind Denmark and Ireland but ahead of Finland, Portugal, Greece and the Czech Republic. Its GDP growth rate is currently outpacing the eurozone average — earlier this year, the Catalan regional government predicted a GDP growth rate for the region of 2.7 percent for 2017, ahead of the IMF's most recent GDP growth projection for the eurozone of 2.1 percent. In terms of international trade, an independent Catalonia — based on 2016 figures — would be a significant player. According to official Spanish government figures, Catalan exports were valued at 65 billion euros in 2016, which would rank it in the top 40 worldwide and in the top 15 of EU nations. Relative to the rest of Spain, which has been severely hit by unemployment since the 2008-2009 global financial crisis, Catalonia's employment figures have held up reasonably well.
The leaders of Catalonia are not unprepared for the possible repercussions of independence. They have attempted to correctly evaluate their own strengths and weaknesses and assessed their position within the context of the European economic community. The Amat, et al study focused on a wide range of factors, including the Catalonian economic prospects.
Amat, et al 2017:
This chapter has reviewed the foundations on which the Catalan economy rests and which give solidity to its claim for a meaningful role in the international context, despite the inherent limiting factors in terms of territory, population, domestic market and lack of raw materials and fossil fuels. These foundations can be summed up as industrial tradition and diversification, scientific excellence, exporting strength, a tourist industry that goes far beyond the domestic market, and finally the ability to attract foreign investment. These are foundations that give an independent Catalonia exceptional potential. To these factors must be added the European and international linkage of the Catalan economy and of Catalan society in general. While accepting that no process of this kind comes at zero cost, we believe that a separate State solution which allowed the Catalan people to decide on how their tax resources, infrastructure and economic policy were managed would make it possible for the country to further develop a distinctive model which would maximise the potential of the Catalan economy in the years to come. [27-28]
The Historical Justification
For all intents and purposes, Catalonia has always been an independent entity despite efforts by France and Spain through the centuries to exert control over the region. For centuries, Catalonia has maintained its cultural identity, through its language and traditions.
Levine 2017:
Over the past few decades, Europe has seen a lot of its states declare independence, including Crimea, Scotland, and Kosovo.[3] Similarly, the Catalans have several reasons as to why they believe they should have their own, independent state. First, Catalonia has its own distinct language, history, and culture from the rest of Spain. Catalonia was independent until it was captured by Philip V of Spain in 1714.[4] Since then, Catalonia has retained much of its own distinct language and culture, separate from the rest of Spain. This has caused much tension between Catalonia and the rest of Spain, especially during the Franco dictatorship, where the Spanish government tried to wipe out all of the Catalan culture and history.[5] Second, Catalonia almost was granted autonomy by the Spanish courts, but the statute was struck down as unconstitutional in 2010.[6] Third, the Spanish prime minister rejected a plea from Catalonia to reduce Catalonia’s contribution to the Spanish tax system that transfers money from wealthier areas to poorer areas of Spain.[7] Catalonia is the biggest contributor to the Spanish economy, and believes that it is being treated unfairly by having to contribute so much money to the rest of the Spanish economy.[8] Finally, Catalans believe that Spain is denying them the right to vote on their future.
Nevertheless, Catalans have also clung to their identity as Europeans. They already meet the requirements of the 'Copenhagen Criteria' which establishes the pre-conditions for acceptance into the EU and it is only the political situation of the EU membership which would deny them their European citizenship.
Buttin 2017:
We tend to forget this too easily, but we are all European citizens, French, Germans, Greeks, Finns, Spanish… All European citizens have fundamental liberties guaranteed by the treaties, and fundamental rights attached to the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. It is essential to remind the importance of these rights and freedoms within our society: they are inalienable. It is impossible to consider the suspension of the freedom of movement within the EU to Catalans who were European citizens. The exclusion of the territory from the EU appears thus difficult. Even though, at the current stage of European law, European citizenship is only associated to the nationality of a member state, excluding a territory which is part of the European construction means depriving its citizens from their European citizenship. If we want to build a European political and legal order, the development of a European citizenship, more independent from the nationality of its member states, may be desirable. In this sense, the exclusion of Catalonia appears counter-productive and with no consideration of European general interest.
The EU Justification
Without a doubt, apart from direct opposition by Madrid, the biggest obstacle to a viable independence for Catalonia, will be integration into the European Union.
SBS 2017:
The EU's treaties do not specifically state what happens if part of a member state secedes, but since 2004 the commission has stuck to the "Prodi doctrine", named after former president Romano Prodi. This says that a region breaking away from a member state would automatically cease to be part of the EU on the day of its independence, and would have to follow the usual membership process to rejoin. Membership talks for Catalonia would likely be different from those currently under way for candidate countries such as the Balkan states and Turkey, which have to harmonise their legislation and foreign policy as well as bring human rights standards up to EU standards. Catalonia has sought to get ahead on this point by passing a law last month that said all EU laws would apply in its territory even if it was no longer a member. Questions have also been raised about the legal solidity of the Prodi doctrine and whether the relevant treaty clauses could be open to different interpretation. A European Commission spokesman said Friday that "this is the way we read the treaty, this is our position" but acknowledged that "everybody has his or her right to his or her own opinion".
Many believe, the legal requirements for immediate inclusion in the EU have already been met, and some Catalonian proponents argue that Catalonian inclusion in the EU is in the best interests of the union itself.
Buttin 2017:
The principle of the integration of “successor states” was established by the Vienna Convention of 1978. This text implies that the “successor states” of a state, with a territorial continuity, are still under the treaties which were ratified by the state they stem from. Even though the Kingdom of Spain has not ratified this convention, it is possible to use this international law principle on behalf of European order. In virtue of this rule and in virtue of the recognition of international law by the EU, there would be no reason for Catalonia to be excluded from the EU. We need to think first about European general interest and about the citizens’ shared interests: through this process, the European Union’s attractiveness would be reinforced. Today is an occasion to strengthen European identity, through the regions and the territorial entities, already recognized by the Committee of the Regions. It is also time to engage in a strong political speech in favour of a strong federalism for both States and regions.
Further, independent observers, argue that incorrect interpretations of the EU statutes could be detrimental to the bloc. Common sense should prevail over traditional, hard-line political positions.
SBS 2017:
Senior French judge Yves Gounin warned in a 2014 article on independence movements that taking a hardline approach, kicking a newly seceded territory out of the bloc, could backfire on the EU. "Europe would have everything to lose by putting these states in quarantine -- its investors could no longer invest there, its young people could not study there, its workers could not move freely," Gounin wrote. Instead, he suggested that "realism" should trump "orthodoxy", arguing that "the most reasonable solution would be to negotiate independence and EU membership simultaneously".
Conclusion
At the end of this debate, it is not about what is best for Europe or what is best for Spain, rather what is best for Catalonia, and in a somewhat broader sense, what is best for the citizens of a country in a liberal democracy. People have a right to self-determination and as stated at the beginning of this Pro position, the right to choose their own government and at the most fundamental level, this is all the justification we need to vote Pro.
Deist 2017:
But these arguments don’t address the fundamental underlying issue of self-determination. Should Catalans be allowed to make their own decisions, even if those decisions are “bad,” and we (or Spain or the EU) disagree with them? Yes, some people would be worse off under an independent Catalan state — assuming Hidalgo is correct. But by the same token, some Spaniards may be objectively better off as a result of becoming unyoked politically from Catalonia. It’s a complex factual question, and both sides have arguments. But whether an independent Catalonia would be better off or worse off is highly subjective, and simply not for us to decide. For libertarians, self-determination is the highest political end. In political terms, self-determination is liberty. In an ideal world, self-determination extends all the way to the individual, who enjoys complete political sovereignty over his or her life. The often misued term for this degree of complete self-determination is anarchy. In an imperfect world, however, libertarians should support smaller and more decentralized governments as a pragmatic step toward greater liberty. Our goal should be to devolve political power whenever possible, making states less powerful and easier to avoid. Barcelona is less ominous than Madrid. The Legislature in a US state is less fearsome than Congress in Washington DC. Street gangs are bad, but they can be avoided in ways Uncle Sam cannot. Ultimately, the argument in favor of Catalonian independence mirrors the argument for Scottish independence in 2014:
Some … libertarians claimed that we should oppose the referendum on the grounds that it would create a new government, and thus two states would exist in the place of one. But reducing the size and scope of any single state’s dominion is healthy for liberty, because it leads us closer to the ultimate goal of self-determination at the individual level, to granting each of us sovereignty over our lives. It’s always good to reduce the number of individuals over which any government asserts authority.
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Sources:
Amat, O et al (2017), The Economy of Catalonia, Questions and answers on the economic impact of independence, Comissió d’Economia Catalana. http://www.coleconomistes.cat/pdf/the.economy.of.catalonia.pdf
Buttin, T (2017), INDEPENDENT CATALONIA HAS TO BECOME THE TWENTY-NINTH STATE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, The New Federalist,
18 October. https://www.thenewfederalist.eu/independent-catalonia-has-to-become-the-twenty-ninth-state-of-the-european
Deist, J (2017) Should Catalonia be independent?, The Independent, 28 December 2017. http://www.theindependentbd.com/printversion/details/115045
Jahanbegloo, R (2017), A Hard and Violent Response to the Catalonia Crisis Will Have Disastrous Consequences, 29/10/2017, The Wire, https://thewire.in/192068/hard-violent-response-catalonia-crisis-will-disastrous-consequences/
Levine, O (2017), CATALONIA: THE SEARCH FOR INDEPENDENCE, OCTOBER 31, 2017, JOURNAL OF LAW AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AT PENN STATE LAW. http://sites.psu.edu/jlia/catalonia-the-search-for-independence/
SBS (2017), Could an independent Catalonia stay in the EU?, SBS News, 8 Oct 2017. https://www.sbs.com.au/news/could-an-independent-catalonia-stay-in-the-eu
Sullivan, A (2017) Imagining an independent Catalan economy, 11.10.2017, Deutsche Welle. http://www.dw.com/en/imagining-an-independent-catalan-economy/a-40904836
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